Generative Linguistics and Acquisition Studies in Honor of Nina M. Hyams (2023)

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https://lib.ugent.be/catalog/ebk01:2550000001017764

Title:

Generative Linguistics and Acquisition Studies in Honor of Nina M. Hyams

ISBN:

9789027272263

Author:

Becker, Misha.
Grinstead, John.
Rothman, Jason.

Edition:

1

Description:

1 online resource (364 pages)

Series:

Language Acquisition and Language Disorders ; v.54

Contents:

Generative Linguistics and Acquisition -- Editorial page -- Title page -- LCC data -- Table of contents -- Introduction -- Acknowledgments -- References -- Animacy, argument structure and unaccusatives in child English -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Theoretical background: The unaccusative-unergative distinction -- 3. Previous studies: Arguments for and against A-movement in children's unaccusatives -- 4. English unaccusatives: Diagnostics and predictions for child language -- 5. Method -- 6. Results -- 6.1 Subject animacy -- 6.2 Null subjects -- 6.3 Resultatives -- 6.4 Postverbal subjects -- 7. Conclusions -- References -- Remarks on theoretical accounts of Japanese children's passive acquisition -- 1. Introduction -- 2. A-chains in Japanese passives -- 2.1 An empty category in Japanese ni direct passive -- 2.2 A-chain or anaphora with pro? -- 2.3 The A-chain analysis of Japanese ni direct passives -- 3. The ACDH account of children's passive acquisition -- 3.1. English passive acquisition and the ACDH -- 3.2 Japanese passive acquisition and the ACDH -- 4. Comparing the long passive and the long passive-unaccusative amalgam -- 4.1 Establishing a minimal pair -- 4.2 Experimental data -- 5. Comparing the long passive and the short passive -- 6. Discussion -- 6.1 A θ-transmission Difficulty Hypothesis account -- 6.2 On raising acquisition -- References -- Early or late acquisition of inflected infinitives in European Portuguese? -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Syntax and semantics of (canonical) inflected infinitives -- 3. Acquisition of inflected infinitives in EP -- 3.1 Methodology -- 3.2 First spontaneous inflected infinitives in European Portuguese -- 3.3 Discussion -- 4. Conclusions -- Acknowledgments -- References -- The relationship between determiner omission and root infinitives in child English -- 1. Introduction
2. Previous work: Hoekstra, Hyams, and Becker -- 2.1 Theoretical proposal -- 2.2 English data -- 2.3 German data -- 2.4 Dutch data -- 3. New English counts -- 3.1 Transcripts and counting procedures -- 3.2 Results -- 4. Implications -- Acknowledgments -- References -- The semantics of the tense deficit in child Spanish SLI -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Tense and aspect -- 2.1 Aspect before tense -- 3. Tense and root infinitives in child Spanish -- 3.1 Tense and root infinitives in Spanish-speaking children with SLI -- 3.2 SLI as a tense deficit at the semantic level -- 4. Research questions -- 5. Methods -- 5.1 Participants -- 5.2 Procedures -- 6. Results -- 7. Conclusions -- References -- The acquisition of reflexives and pronouns by Faroese children -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Basic binding facts of Faroese -- 3. Experimental setup -- 4. Results -- 4.1 The developmental delay of pronouns -- 4.2 How do Faroese adults judge sentences with seg? -- 4.3 How do Faroese children acquire the binding properties of seg? -- 5. Conclusion -- References -- Pronouns vs. definite descriptions -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Schlenker's Principle C -- 3. The restrictors of pronouns -- 3.1 Minimal pronouns -- 3.2 Minimize Restrictor! + minimal pronouns = Principle C -- 4. Evidence from Vehicle Change -- 5. Consequences for acquisition -- References -- An L2 study on the production of stress patterns in English compounds -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Background -- 3. Our study -- 3.1 Materials and Methods -- 3.2 Participants -- 3.3 Coding and results -- 4. Statistical analysis and results -- 4.1 Results of analyses of variance -- 4.2 Regression analyses: Effects of non-linguistic variables on fore-stress production -- 5. General discussion -- 6. Conclusion -- References -- Appendix -- The syntactic domain of content -- 1. Introduction
2. Constructs, compositional and non-compositional - A review -- 2.1 Similarities -- 2.1.1 Phonological -- 2.1.2 Syntactic -- 2.1.2.1 Regardless of compositionality, a modifier can never occur directly after the head, even when the head is modified separately from the non-head. Rather, such a modifier must follow the non-head, indeed, it must follow all Construct non-heads if th -- 2.1.2.2 The definite article, ha, cannot be realized on the head of the Construct ­regardless of compositionality. In turn, when it is realized on the (last) non-head, the entire expression, with the bare left-most N as its head, is syntactically definite -- 2.2 Differences -- 2.2.1 Constituent structure -- 2.2.1.1 While compositional Constructs allow the modification of the non-head, such modification is altogether impossible for NC-Constructs without the loss of the non-compositional reading. Note that adjectives agree with the noun they modify in gender, -- 2.2.1.2 While the non-head in compositional Constructs may be coordinated (cf. 15), such coordination is excluded with NC-Constructs (cf. 16). Nor can two non-heads of a NC-Construct be coordinated, even when the head is identical (cf. 17): -- 2.2.2 Pronominal reference -- 2.2.2.1 While a pronoun may refer to the head of a compositional Construct, excluding the non-head), (cf. 18a-b), such reference is impossible with a non-compositional reading (cf. 19): -- 2.2.2.2 A pronoun may refer to the non-head in (some) compositional Constructs (see Section3 for qualification). Such reference to the non-head in the NC-Construct, however, results in loss of the non-compositionality: -- 2.2.3 Definiteness spreading -- 2.2.4 Semantic headedness -- 3. Modification constructs -- 3.1 M-Constructs vs. I-Constructs - the syntax -- 3.2 M-Constructs, compounds and Pre-N-N Determiners -- 3.3 M-Constructs vs. compounds
4. Structural considerations -- 4.1 Heads up -- 4.2 I-Constructs and M-Constructs -- 4.3 Deriving compounds -- 5. The syntactic domain of content -- 5.1 Non-compositionality in syntactic word formation -- 5.2 Why plural marking is different -- 6. Conclusion -- References -- There-insertion -- 1. Introduction: What triggers the trigger? -- 1.1 Internal Merge and acquisition -- 2. Theoretical background: Internal Merge over External Merge -- 2.1 There-insertion and Moving Phi features -- 3. Three kinds of there -- 3.1 The referential assumption and the opposite hypothesis -- 3.2 Traditional triggers -- 4. Acquisition data -- 4.1 Composite data across nine children -- 5. Representational principles and parameters -- 5.1 Anaphoric-there -- 5.2 There-insertion as parametric trigger -- 5.3 The Transparency Condition -- 6. General locality -- 6.1 Binding evidence -- 7. Conclusion -- References -- Metalinguistic skills of children -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Using metalinguistic skills to test hypotheses about children's grammars -- 3. Studies in the acquisition of metalinguistic skills -- 4. Metalinguistic skill and early reading -- 5. Conclusion -- References -- Children's Grammatical Conservatism -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Grammatical conservatism with English particles -- 3. Grammatical conservatism and the Go-Verb construction -- 3.1 The Go-Verb construction in American English -- 3.2 Grammatical conservatism with the Go-Verb construction in child English -- 4. Grammatical conservatism with English and Spanish fragments -- 4.1 Cross-linguistic variation in P-questions and fragment answers -- 4.2 Grammatical conservatism with English and Spanish P-questions -- 4.3 Grammatical conservatism with English and Spanish fragments -- 5. Concluding remarks -- References -- Contributing to linguistic theory -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Answering subject questions
2.1 The emergence of answering strategies in different languages -- 2.2 L2 answers and the comparative perspective -- 2.2.1 Answering in L2 English -- 2.3 Language description through the elicitation experiment -- 2.4 Conclusions from Section2 -- 3. Subject and Object relatives in children and adults -- 3.1 The locality of the dependency and the complexity of ORs -- 3.2 Further ways to modulate intervention: The manipulation of morphosyntactic features -- 3.3 Conclusions from Section3 -- 4. General concluding remarks -- References -- A new theory of null-subjects of finite verbs in young children -- 1. Introduction -- 2. The null-subject stage: Finite versus non-finite verbs -- 3. The null-subject stage: Topic Drop or dedicated position? -- 4. Child null-subjects are omitted PRONOUNS -- 5. Children's overuse of pronouns -- 6. Information structure and syntax: Undistinguished subjects imply root TP imply null-subjects -- 7. Why can the specifier of a root be omitted? -- 8. Summary and open problems -- References -- Index

Summary:

This paper proposes a new theory of why null-subjects of finite verbs are produced by young children developing a non-null-subject language. We first show that one of the extant theories, Topic-Drop, isn't supported. Modifying ideas proposed in Rizzi (2006), we assume that finite null-subjects arise in the specifier of a root TP, and may be null as the result of phasal computation. But we reject the idea that the selection of a root is an arbitrary, parametric process. Using new work in syntactic theory that relates information structure (namely undistinguished subjects) to root Tense Phrases (Mikkelsen 2010), we argue that children select undistinguished subjects in situations that don't warrant them, resulting in root TP and null-subjects.

Dewey:

410

Subject:

Generative grammar.
Language acquisition.
English language -- Acquisition.
Electronic books.

E-Location:

https://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/unigent-ebooks/detail.action?docID=1158339

Also available as:

Print version: Becker, Misha Generative Linguistics and Acquisition Amsterdam : John Benjamins Publishing Company,c2013 9789027253163

Permalink:

https://lib.ugent.be/catalog/ebk01:2550000001017764

MLA:

Becker, Misha, John Grinstead, and Jason Rothman. Generative Linguistics and Acquisition: Studies In Honor of Nina M. Hyams. 1 .

APA:

Becker, M., Grinstead, J., & Rothman, J. Generative Linguistics and Acquisition: Studies in Honor of Nina M. Hyams. 1 .

Chicago:

Becker, Misha., John Grinstead, and Jason Rothman. Generative Linguistics and Acquisition: Studies In Honor of Nina M. Hyams. 1

RIS:

TY - BOOKUR - http://lib.ugent.be/catalog/ebk01:2550000001017764ID - ebk01:2550000001017764ET - 1LA - undTI - Generative Linguistics and Acquisition Studies in Honor of Nina M. HyamsPY - 2013SN - 9789027272263AU - Becker, Misha.AU - Grinstead, John.AU - Rothman, Jason.AB - Generative Linguistics and Acquisition -- Editorial page -- Title page -- LCC data -- Table of contents -- Introduction -- Acknowledgments -- References -- Animacy, argument structure and unaccusatives in child English -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Theoretical background: The unaccusative-unergative distinction -- 3. Previous studies: Arguments for and against A-movement in children's unaccusatives -- 4. English unaccusatives: Diagnostics and predictions for child language -- 5. Method -- 6. Results -- 6.1 Subject animacy -- 6.2 Null subjects -- 6.3 Resultatives -- 6.4 Postverbal subjects -- 7. Conclusions -- References -- Remarks on theoretical accounts of Japanese children's passive acquisition -- 1. Introduction -- 2. A-chains in Japanese passives -- 2.1 An empty category in Japanese ni direct passive -- 2.2 A-chain or anaphora with pro? -- 2.3 The A-chain analysis of Japanese ni direct passives -- 3. The ACDH account of children's passive acquisition -- 3.1. English passive acquisition and the ACDH -- 3.2 Japanese passive acquisition and the ACDH -- 4. Comparing the long passive and the long passive-unaccusative amalgam -- 4.1 Establishing a minimal pair -- 4.2 Experimental data -- 5. Comparing the long passive and the short passive -- 6. Discussion -- 6.1 A θ-transmission Difficulty Hypothesis account -- 6.2 On raising acquisition -- References -- Early or late acquisition of inflected infinitives in European Portuguese? -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Syntax and semantics of (canonical) inflected infinitives -- 3. Acquisition of inflected infinitives in EP -- 3.1 Methodology -- 3.2 First spontaneous inflected infinitives in European Portuguese -- 3.3 Discussion -- 4. Conclusions -- Acknowledgments -- References -- The relationship between determiner omission and root infinitives in child English -- 1. IntroductionAB - 2. Previous work: Hoekstra, Hyams, and Becker -- 2.1 Theoretical proposal -- 2.2 English data -- 2.3 German data -- 2.4 Dutch data -- 3. New English counts -- 3.1 Transcripts and counting procedures -- 3.2 Results -- 4. Implications -- Acknowledgments -- References -- The semantics of the tense deficit in child Spanish SLI -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Tense and aspect -- 2.1 Aspect before tense -- 3. Tense and root infinitives in child Spanish -- 3.1 Tense and root infinitives in Spanish-speaking children with SLI -- 3.2 SLI as a tense deficit at the semantic level -- 4. Research questions -- 5. Methods -- 5.1 Participants -- 5.2 Procedures -- 6. Results -- 7. Conclusions -- References -- The acquisition of reflexives and pronouns by Faroese children -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Basic binding facts of Faroese -- 3. Experimental setup -- 4. Results -- 4.1 The developmental delay of pronouns -- 4.2 How do Faroese adults judge sentences with seg? -- 4.3 How do Faroese children acquire the binding properties of seg? -- 5. Conclusion -- References -- Pronouns vs. definite descriptions -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Schlenker's Principle C -- 3. The restrictors of pronouns -- 3.1 Minimal pronouns -- 3.2 Minimize Restrictor! + minimal pronouns = Principle C -- 4. Evidence from Vehicle Change -- 5. Consequences for acquisition -- References -- An L2 study on the production of stress patterns in English compounds -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Background -- 3. Our study -- 3.1 Materials and Methods -- 3.2 Participants -- 3.3 Coding and results -- 4. Statistical analysis and results -- 4.1 Results of analyses of variance -- 4.2 Regression analyses: Effects of non-linguistic variables on fore-stress production -- 5. General discussion -- 6. Conclusion -- References -- Appendix -- The syntactic domain of content -- 1. IntroductionAB - 2. Constructs, compositional and non-compositional - A review -- 2.1 Similarities -- 2.1.1 Phonological -- 2.1.2 Syntactic -- 2.1.2.1 Regardless of compositionality, a modifier can never occur directly after the head, even when the head is modified separately from the non-head. Rather, such a modifier must follow the non-head, indeed, it must follow all Construct non-heads if th -- 2.1.2.2 The definite article, ha, cannot be realized on the head of the Construct ­regardless of compositionality. In turn, when it is realized on the (last) non-head, the entire expression, with the bare left-most N as its head, is syntactically definite -- 2.2 Differences -- 2.2.1 Constituent structure -- 2.2.1.1 While compositional Constructs allow the modification of the non-head, such modification is altogether impossible for NC-Constructs without the loss of the non-compositional reading. Note that adjectives agree with the noun they modify in gender, -- 2.2.1.2 While the non-head in compositional Constructs may be coordinated (cf. 15), such coordination is excluded with NC-Constructs (cf. 16). Nor can two non-heads of a NC-Construct be coordinated, even when the head is identical (cf. 17): -- 2.2.2 Pronominal reference -- 2.2.2.1 While a pronoun may refer to the head of a compositional Construct, excluding the non-head), (cf. 18a-b), such reference is impossible with a non-compositional reading (cf. 19): -- 2.2.2.2 A pronoun may refer to the non-head in (some) compositional Constructs (see Section3 for qualification). Such reference to the non-head in the NC-Construct, however, results in loss of the non-compositionality: -- 2.2.3 Definiteness spreading -- 2.2.4 Semantic headedness -- 3. Modification constructs -- 3.1 M-Constructs vs. I-Constructs - the syntax -- 3.2 M-Constructs, compounds and Pre-N-N Determiners -- 3.3 M-Constructs vs. compoundsAB - 4. Structural considerations -- 4.1 Heads up -- 4.2 I-Constructs and M-Constructs -- 4.3 Deriving compounds -- 5. The syntactic domain of content -- 5.1 Non-compositionality in syntactic word formation -- 5.2 Why plural marking is different -- 6. Conclusion -- References -- There-insertion -- 1. Introduction: What triggers the trigger? -- 1.1 Internal Merge and acquisition -- 2. Theoretical background: Internal Merge over External Merge -- 2.1 There-insertion and Moving Phi features -- 3. Three kinds of there -- 3.1 The referential assumption and the opposite hypothesis -- 3.2 Traditional triggers -- 4. Acquisition data -- 4.1 Composite data across nine children -- 5. Representational principles and parameters -- 5.1 Anaphoric-there -- 5.2 There-insertion as parametric trigger -- 5.3 The Transparency Condition -- 6. General locality -- 6.1 Binding evidence -- 7. Conclusion -- References -- Metalinguistic skills of children -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Using metalinguistic skills to test hypotheses about children's grammars -- 3. Studies in the acquisition of metalinguistic skills -- 4. Metalinguistic skill and early reading -- 5. Conclusion -- References -- Children's Grammatical Conservatism -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Grammatical conservatism with English particles -- 3. Grammatical conservatism and the Go-Verb construction -- 3.1 The Go-Verb construction in American English -- 3.2 Grammatical conservatism with the Go-Verb construction in child English -- 4. Grammatical conservatism with English and Spanish fragments -- 4.1 Cross-linguistic variation in P-questions and fragment answers -- 4.2 Grammatical conservatism with English and Spanish P-questions -- 4.3 Grammatical conservatism with English and Spanish fragments -- 5. Concluding remarks -- References -- Contributing to linguistic theory -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Answering subject questionsAB - 2.1 The emergence of answering strategies in different languages -- 2.2 L2 answers and the comparative perspective -- 2.2.1 Answering in L2 English -- 2.3 Language description through the elicitation experiment -- 2.4 Conclusions from Section2 -- 3. Subject and Object relatives in children and adults -- 3.1 The locality of the dependency and the complexity of ORs -- 3.2 Further ways to modulate intervention: The manipulation of morphosyntactic features -- 3.3 Conclusions from Section3 -- 4. General concluding remarks -- References -- A new theory of null-subjects of finite verbs in young children -- 1. Introduction -- 2. The null-subject stage: Finite versus non-finite verbs -- 3. The null-subject stage: Topic Drop or dedicated position? -- 4. Child null-subjects are omitted PRONOUNS -- 5. Children's overuse of pronouns -- 6. Information structure and syntax: Undistinguished subjects imply root TP imply null-subjects -- 7. Why can the specifier of a root be omitted? -- 8. Summary and open problems -- References -- IndexAB - This paper proposes a new theory of why null-subjects of finite verbs are produced by young children developing a non-null-subject language. We first show that one of the extant theories, Topic-Drop, isn't supported. Modifying ideas proposed in Rizzi (2006), we assume that finite null-subjects arise in the specifier of a root TP, and may be null as the result of phasal computation. But we reject the idea that the selection of a root is an arbitrary, parametric process. Using new work in syntactic theory that relates information structure (namely undistinguished subjects) to root Tense Phrases (Mikkelsen 2010), we argue that children select undistinguished subjects in situations that don't warrant them, resulting in root TP and null-subjects.ER - 

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